Central Asia’s Hydropower Spat | The Diplomat

Uzbekistan continues its quest to choke its two poorer neighbors’ plans to attain and secure energy independence. During an official visit to Kazakhstan late November, Uzbek President Islam Karimov made sure to bring up the “dangers” the hydropower plants Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan want to build could pose. According to Karimov, the plans are “not coordinated with countries downstream,” i.e. Uzbekistan and Kazakhstan. Flanked by Kazakh President Nursultan Nazarbayev, Karimov said, “We have affirmed our common position regarding the construction of new hydro technical facilities upstream of the Syr Darya and Amu Darya Rivers, which must strictly conform to recognized norms of international law and UN conventions as well as mandatory coordination with all countries located in the lower reaches of these rivers.”

Karimov conveniently forgets his administration bills Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan for natural gas exports. Moreover, said gas is frequently shut off as a means of coercing the two countries, which are planning to build power-generating facilities on Central Asia’s two largest rivers. For instance, Kyrgyzstan has been struggling with not just a shortage but an absence of Uzbek gas, for most of 2014. Because mountainous Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan sit high above sea level, harsh winters create shortages of already scarce electricity, and any insufficiency of Uzbek gas only makes the two countries more anxious to secure energy independence.

From Russia With Love?

Despite Tashkent’s tactics, Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan, which together own nearly 70 percent of the waters that flow into the dwindling Aral Sea, remain deaf to Uzbekistan’s demands and warnings of “water wars.” This is thanks in part to Russia. The Kremlin has not only been voicing its support for plans to revive the Soviet-era projects, it has actually invested millions of dollars in the idea. Russian President Vladimir Putin personally travelled to Bishkek and Dushanbe, the two regional hosts of Russian military bases, to sign bilateral agreements to that effect. On top of Russia’s support, Tajikistan secured the World Bank’s “green light” for what is expected to be the tallest dam in the world: Rogun at 335 meters. Meanwhile, Kyrgyzstan was actually able to launch parts of a cascade of Russia-funded hydropower stations.

If giving money and throwing political support behind Kyrgyz and Tajik energy initiatives is the Kremlin’s carrot, the stick it may wish to use can hit both sides of the conflict. Toughening conditions for millions of Kyrgyz, Tajik and Uzbek migrant laborers in Russia, thereby indirectly forcing them to return to their homelands, is a tool Moscow has used frequently in the past. And this time around these migrants could thwart Uzbekistan’s attempts to prevent Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan from building dams. The sanctions the West slapped on Russia for Crimea and Ukraine have obvious implications for millions of Central Asians seeking work in Russia. On top of this, a report the International Monetary Fund (IMF) released in November suggests that falling prices of oil coupled with sanctions will negatively impact the Russian economy next year, sending shockwaves across Central Asia. These factors could lead some migrants to return from Russia, permanently.

The return of even a portion of the migrants to join the growing local populations would put Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan under pressure. Ironically, therefore, both sides of the water conflict equally need it: Uzbekistan needs water to keep tens of thousands of returnees busy on agriculture fields, lest they voice discontent with the government’s inability to employ them, while Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan need water to generate electricity to keep their own returning migrants from taking to the streets in protest. No sane Tajik or Kyrgyz politician would back down in the face of such challenges.

Central Asia’s Hydropower Spat | The Diplomat.

As Ruble Falls, Tajik Village Suffers

The Russian ruble has collapsed, but the effects are not only being felt in Russia. In the Tajik village of Eloki, marriages are being canceled and houses left half-built as remittances from migrant laborers dry up. Nearly every family has been affected — this is one family’s story. It was filmed when the ruble had lost around 40 percent of its value against the dollar, but before the dramatic plunge that shook markets on December 15-16. (RFE/RL)

 

As Ruble Falls, Tajik Village Suffers.

With a Russian in a Tajik Jail, Moscow Aims Its Reprisal at Migrant Workers

MOSCOW — The imprisonment of a Russian citizen in Tajikistan has touched off reprisals against ethnic Tajik migrant workers in Russiawho say they have been unjustly targeted for arrest and deportation.

Russia has had recent spats with other regional countries.

Immigration agents have rounded up at least 300 ethnic Tajiks in the last two weeks, according to the Federal Migration Service, though independent human rights workers said they believed that hundreds more might have been detained. Tajik officials said the first deportees began arriving home this week, though it was unclear how many would ultimately be expelled.

“Officers of the Federal Migration Service, together with agencies of the Interior Ministry, are conducting operations to expel citizens of Tajikistan, and we will do so rapidly,” Konstantin Romodanovsky, the head of the Federal Migration Service, told the Itar-Tass news agency last week. “We have been told to restore order, and we will employ the severest measures to do so.”

 

-Via NY Times- With a Russian in a Tajik Jail, Moscow Aims Its Reprisal at Migrant Workers

In Russia, unknown attacker stabs exiled Tajik journalist

On Thursday evening, Atovulloyev, 56, was at a restaurant in Moscow when an unidentified man approached him, stabbed him twice in the stomach, and fled, witnesses told the local press. Atovulloyev underwent surgery, and, according to his doctors, his life is no longer in danger, news reports said.

Charogi Ruz (Daylight) is known for its sharp criticism of the Tajik government, particularly of Emomali Rahmon, the head of state since 1992. Atovulloyev has repeatedly criticized the Tajik ruling elite of corruption and embezzlement of international aid aimed at helping the development of the poor Central Asia state. When Atovulloyev’s newspaper was banned in Tajikistan in 1992 in retaliation for his criticism of Rahmon’s policies, he moved it to Moscow a year later. He continued to publish Charogi Ruz from exile. The paper’s website can still be accessed online in Tajikistan, local news reports said.

FY 1998 Assistance to the NIS Request: $15,400,000 (Tajikistan Request to USAID)

TAJIKISTAN

FY 1998 Assistance to the NIS Request . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . $15,400,000

Introduction

Tajikistan is the poorest of the five Central Asian Republics and the only one of the five in which underlying ethnic, regional, economic and ideological strains have led to open warfare and major population displacements. A cease-fire has continued to be in partial effect since late 1993, while UN-moderated peace talks appear to be making incremental progress in establishing a political consensus. The UN Mission of Observers in Tajikistan (UNMOT) monitors the cease-fire agreement, while Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) Russian-led troops, at the request of the local government, guard the southern Tajikistan boundary and monitor the ceasefire. Donor efforts are making a difference in Tajikistan’s situation. For example, the economy, in free fall since independence, achieved a measure of economic stability last year. U.S. interests are based on providing humanitarian aid, helping to establish a framework for sustainable economic growth, promoting regional stability in Central Asia and promoting an independent, democratic and market-oriented Tajikistan that is friendly to the U.S. and constructively engaged in international political and economic relationships.

 

Continue reading FY 1998 Assistance to the NIS Request: $15,400,000 (Tajikistan Request to USAID)

GAFUROV, BOBOJAN GAFUROVICH

GAFUROV, BOBOJAN GAFUROVICH

(1908–1977), Tajik politician and scholar. Bobojan Ga- furovich Gafurov led the Tajikistan Soviet Socialist Republic from 1946 until 1956 as the first secretary of the Communist Party. Born in Ispisar (a remote northern province of the republic) in 1908, he began his career as a journalist and lecturer before joining the Communist Party apparatus and climbing up to the highest political post in the republic under Josef Stalin (1879–1953), then Soviet leader. In 1956 he left the republic to become the director of the Institute of Oriental Studies of the Soviet Academy of Science in Moscow. Continue reading GAFUROV, BOBOJAN GAFUROVICH